The Testimonium Flavianum (TF) has become centre stage in historical Jesus research again! This is mainly due to the collapse of the TF skeptics who argue for a wholesale interpolation by Eusebius. That is no longer an academic go go. As I have stated in my latest paper,
“As far as this paper is concerned that debate is over. The variant ‘certain man’ as seen in a very early Syriac variant blows that hypothesis out of the water [contained in MS British Library Add. 14,639]. The Syriac translater was translating Eusebius Church History book shows us that “certain man” was originally written by Eusebius. [This Syriac manuscript witness is centuries earlier than the Greek manuscript witnesses]. If Eusebius made up the TF from scratch he would have written “Jesus”. This shows that Eusebius had used an earlier form of the TF circulating at that time as his source.”[1]
Over recent posts I have reconstructed this original TF and one line that exists in the textus receptus (i. e. the extant passage in the Greek Antiquities manuscripts) and definitely existed in the original TF was:
And when at the indictment of the first men among us, Pilate had sentenced him to a cross
καὶ αὐτὸν ἐνδείξει (endeiksei) τῶν πρώτων ἀνδρῶν παρ᾿ ἡμῖν σταυρῷ (stauro) ἐπιτετιμηκότος (epitetimekotos) Πιλάτου (Pilatou) (Ant. 18.64).
The balanced distinction between endeiksei (verb endeichnumi) writ of indictment, attributed to Jewish leaders, and the act of awarding sentence (epitiman stauro) is not likely to be the work of a Christian interpolator …Such an interpolator would scarcely have been content with reproaching Jewish leaders for drawing up an indictment against Jesus whilst stating that the imposition of sentence by crucifixion was an act of Roman justice.[2]
The best catch by Schmidt is that Josephus would have been only one step away from people that actually met Jesus at his trial. This is known from the phrase “first men among us” i. e. The Jewish aristocrats including the High Priest party, people belonging to Josephus’ class.[3] These High Priest collaborators had their own spy network to rat Jesus out.[4] The govenors knew through their own spy networks what was going on and easily prevented all these Sign Prophet movements and their plan of action – usually any actions initiated by the Sign prophet had a bad ending.[5]
This authentic line of the original TF matches another comment made by Josephus about another Sign Prophet. As I observered in my latest paper- “Something similar had happened Jonathan the Weaver, “those of the greatest dignity among them informed Catullus, the governor of the Libyan Pentapolis, of his march into the desert, and of the preparations he had made for it.” (War 7.439). This is similar to what happened in the TF, “when at the indictment of the first men among us, Pilate had sentenced him to a cross” (Ant. 18.64).[6]
In that same paper I identified another original phrase to the TF and that is “certain man.” This was a common way for Josephus to describe many of the Sign Prophets he reports about. This would be another connection of the original TF to other Sign Prophet passages found in Josephus.
As I have given examples of this where Josephus hardly even knew their names:
[The] ‘Egyptian’ (War 2.261-263; Ant. 20.169-172) who led a revolt of thousands according to War or 600 according to Antiquities and yet he could only call him the ‘Egyptian’. Same goes for the ‘Samaritan’. (Ant 18.85-87). He was known as ‘“A man who made light of mendacity’ (Ant. 18.85). The Sign Prophet under Festus was known as ‘certain man sorcerer’ (tinos anthrōpon goētos) (Ant. 20.188). The earlier reading of the TF opened with “There arose about this time a certain man” (Ant. 18.63 original reading as witnessed by Syriac EH variant in MS British Library Add. 14639, Slavonic II.IX.3(b)).[7] The Slavonic has also preserved the earlier reading of the opening line of the Baptist passage, “And at that time a certain man” Slavonic II.VII.2(b).[8] This all shows the comparative passages with the TF ( i. e. The other Sign Prophet passages) are very similar to the original TF penned by Josephus. They were all very minor figures where Josephus hardly even knew their names.
This solves the puzzle as noted by Schmidt why Josephus did not mention Jesus in the War book[9], Josephus thought no more of Jesus than what he thought of other similar Sign Prophets such as Theudas (Ant. 20.97-99) and the ‘Samaritan’ Te’heb (Ant. 18.85-87)
Another puzzle brought up by Paula Fredrikson, of Jesus being crucified alone and his group was not like the others is false as we have historical examples that this was nothing new.[10] – Theudas head was displayed alone in Jerusalem (Ant. 20.98).
And this presumption that Jesus was crucified alone cannot be taken for granted as Bermejo-Rubio has suggested that the others crucified with Jesus (according to the gospels), could have been his followers.[11]
More puzzles answered from the TF and Sign Prophet passages are easily answered such as what was Jesus doing in Jerusalem, what was his plan of action and how did he end up on a cross. By triangulating the Sign prophet passages and the gospels, this becomes apparent. In the gospels, Jesus expecting the Temple to be rebuilt without human hands is very Sign Prophet territory there. It is similar to the unlikely claims of other Sign Prophets such as Theudas saying he would part the Jordan (Ant. 20.97) or the Egyptian saying Jerusalem walls would fall (Ant. 20.170).
The study of the TF and Sign Prophet passages also helps to explain the rise of Christianity. The plan of action Jesus wanted to achieve is that God would turn up, this was to “force the end” – force god to turn up in a new age. Typically both the Sign Prophets and their followers were brought up on stories on how God had intervened on behalf of the Jewish people, “God had once parted the sea, had produced manna in the wilderness, had caused the sun to stand still, had brought down the walls of Jericho.”[12] Josephus shows many movements very like “Proto-Christians” actually existed, making it no surprise that a movement like Christianity arose in the aftermath of Temple Destruction. When Solomon Zeitlin read the passage on the Sign Prophets under Felix it led him to note: “Apocalyptists who are the forerunners of the Christian movement.”[13] Josephus said of this particular movement – “men as deceived and deluded the people under pretense of Divine inspiration … went before them into the wilderness, as pretending that God would there show them the signals of liberty.” (War 2.258-60). Like most movements that gathered a crowd, this movement like the other Sign Prophet movements made the Roman govenors nervous and Felix “thought this procedure was to be the beginning of a revolt” (War 2.260). Antipas had the same fear of John the Baptist, “Herod, who feared lest the great influence John had over the people might put it into his power and inclination to raise a rebellion” (Ant. 18.117). After the ‘Samaritan’ Sign Prophets fiasco, an embassy went to Vitellius, to complain Pilate to his boss- “for that they did not go to Tirathaba in order to revolt from the Romans, but to escape the violence of Pilate.” (Ant. 18.88). So here again Pilate had suspected revolt, and Pilate would have reported that to Vitellius. Thus you have the Samaritan envoys denying this. The same would have happened Jesus’ gathering, Pilate would have suspected revolt and sent troops. At least this historical reality is reflected in John 18:12 where he claims Romans soldiers speira arrested Jesus.
All these movements made the various Roman govenors nervous and through their spy networks were stopped in their tracks before they could implement their plan of Action.
How these Sign Prophets gathered their crowds was from convincing the crowds of their skills as a prophet like Moses. This made Josephus describe many of the Sign Prophets as a gōes. Theudas under Fadus was described as γόης τις (“certain magician”)(Ant. 20.97). Under Felix a load of Sign Prophets were described as γόητες καὶ ἀπατεῶνες (“imposters and deceivers”) (Ant. 20.167). Also under Felix the Egyptian Sign Prophet was referred to as γόης καὶ προφήτου – goēs κai prophēton (sorcerer and prophet) (War 2.261). Josephus described the Sign Prophet under Festus who promised them freedom and divine deliverance from their miseries as a τινος ἀνθρώπου γόητος – tinos anthrōpon goētos (‘certain man sorcerer’) (Ant. 20.188). Originally Josephus would have seen Jesus as a gōes (wizard) and this would be reflected in the phrase ‘doer of strange works.’ This phrase may be original but read negatively. The anti-Christian polemicists may have got the impression that Jesus was a γόης (goēs) from the original TF containing παραδόξων. Celsus picks out that exact word describing Jesus as such in Contra Cels. 1.6. Josephus describes the miracles of Pharoahs court magicians as performing a παράδοξον before Moses by turning their staffs into snakes (Ant. 2.285–6). Other anti Christians also suspected Jesus of magic such as the Jew interlocutor of Justin Martyr (Dial. 69.7).
Here is the opening of another paper of mine:[14]
All the Sign Prophets gathered a crowd to re-enact some great scriptural event. Two obvious examples reported in Josephus were Theudas splitting the Jordan (Ant. 20.97; cf. Exod. 12:29-14:30; Josh. 3-4) or the Egyptian saying the walls would fall (Ant. 20.170; cf. Josh. 6:20). The gospel of Mark hints at a similar type of claim Jesus made of destroying and restoring the Temple (Mark 14:57-58) and the gospel of John actually puts it into Jesus’s mouth (John 2:19). Destroying the Temple and expecting it to be rebuilt without human hands (Mark 14:58, Acts 7:48) is very Sign Prophet territory there. Therefore the gospel of Johns understanding that Jesus made a claim like this is very fitting to the historical context and was likely. As Paul Anderson has noted, “two Markan passages appear to corroborate knowledge of a Jesus saying that is found only in John,”[15]
The first indication of the Temple built by Gods hands and therefore we could infer not by human hands is in the song of Moses and Miriam-
You will bring them in and plant them
on the mountain of your inheritance—
the place, Lord, you made for your dwelling,
the sanctuary, Lord, your hands established (Exodus 15:17).
The Temple is built there by Gods hands.
From the time of Ezekiel visions a new Temple were envisioned (Ezekiel 40-48). Or the heavenly Temple in 1 En. 14:8–25 could have been envisioned. The Temple scroll also fantasised about a new better Temple (11QT).
1 Enoch 90:28-29 suggests a Temple not built by human hands, The Temple Scroll suggests it too – (11Q19-21, 4Q524, 4Q365a)
Many actions of the Sign Prophets actually cohere quite well with the actions of Jesus. John the Baptist gathered a crowd making Antipas nervous and cutting off his head. The Samaritan merely wanted to revive the Temple cult at Mt. Gerizim just as Jesus who had wanted a rebuilt pure Temple! Both incidents ended in disaster. Theudas was re-enacting the Exodus hoping God would turn up, like the Baptist he got his head cut off. Jesus gathering a crowd in Jerusalem resulted in his execution. The ‘Egyptian’ Sign prophet gathering at the mount of Olives, re-enacted Zechariah’s prophecy that the feet of the messiah would touch the ground there. All these actions were in keeping with their apocalyptic view of a new age starting. This new age would inaugurate the “kingdom of God” that Jesus had told his followers that was coming soon! Obviously to the Roman authorities this Kingdom of God is a no no, as the Kingdom of Rome is the realpolitik.
All the Sign Prophets were expecting divine intervention as it makes no sense to go against the might of the Romans with an unorganized band rabble. It was a common theme in the Tanakh to expect divine intervention in battle, such as the Lord sending hailstone against the enemy (Josh. 10:11) or the sun standing still (Josh. 10:13). The Sign Prophets all expected divine intervention to overcome their adversaries.
Here is a realistic reconstruction of what Josephus originally wrote about Jesus before it had been touched up: (Black text is reconstruction, Red text is commentary):
There arose about this time a certain man, a sophist and agitator. He was a doer of strange works.
[some eschatological sign similar to other sign prophets could have been the following:
For they said he was a prophet and the Temple would be destroyed and restored in three days]
Many of the Judaeans, and also many of the Galilean element, he led to himself in a tumult; he was desirous of Kingship: Many were roused, thinking that thereby the tribe could free themselves from Roman hands.
[Josephus may have mentioned Jesus as a pseudo prophet here but it has been replaced with the Emmaus passage found in Luke.]
[So Pilate sent forces, footmen to slew them and seize a number of them along with the certain imposter.]
And when at the indictment of the first men among us, Pilate had sentenced him to a cross. Yet this tribe has until now not disappeared.
(Reconstructed model Ant. 18.63-64)
What my friends say!
Roberto Gordillo Castillo (from the Spanish historical Jesus Group):
Dave Allen’s article represents a remarkable contribution to the study of the Testimonium Flavianum (TF), since it offers solid arguments to consider this passage, once purified of Christian interpolations, as a privileged window towards the understanding of the movement of Jesus within the broader context of the so-called Sign Prophets described by Flavius Josephus.
Allen manages to place Jesus of Nazareth in the same category as figures such as Theudas, the Egyptian Sign Prophet or the Samaritan Te’heb, all of them apocalyptic characters who mobilised crowds with symbolic gestures intended to reproduce biblical events and “force divine intervention.” This framework is methodologically convincing: it allows to overcome both excessively apologetic and sceptical readings, and places Jesus in a typology already known in the Judaism of the Second Temple.
The recovery of expressions such as “a certain man” or the reference to the condemnation by Pilate “at the behest of the first men among us” reinforces the idea that Josephus treated him like other minor Messianic leaders, without singularising him or giving him greater relief than the rest of the Sign Prophets. This frame also explains why Joseph does not mention it in the Jewish War: for him, Jesus was not more significant than those other ephemeral characters.
Dynamics of elites and espionage networks:
Allen’s analysis highlights a fundamental aspect to understand the realpolitik of Roman Judaea: the active collaboration of Jewish priestly and aristocratic elites in the repression of prophetic movements. As shown by the parallels with other cases related by Josephus, these elites used networks of informants and whistleblowers to detect possible agitations, denouncing them to the Roman governors before they turned into open revolts.
In this sense, the accusation against Jesus by the “first men among us” reflects a recurring pattern: the collaborationist elites quickly suffocated the apocalyptic initiatives that could destabilise the fragile peace with Rome. The TF, read in this way, fits with the policy of repressive prevention characteristic of the Pax Romana, which combined systematic surveillance with exemplary measures such as public executions.
Contributions to the understanding of early Christianity
The framing of Jesus as a Sign Prophet also offers a convincing explanation of the genetics of Christianity. Similar movements, which appealed to foundational miracles and the imminence of the Kingdom of God, were already circulating in Judaea in the first century. As Allen points out, Christianity did not emerge ex nihilo, but as a variant of those apocalyptic currents, which only after the destruction of the Temple and the failure of other figures acquired a greater projection.
Dave Allen’s work demonstrates quite clearly that the Testimonium Flavianum, without Christian interpolations, is a useful and coherent source to place Jesus in his real historical context: that of the Sign Prophets of the Second Temple, guarded and repressed by a combination of collaborationist aristocracy and Roman power. This approach allows us to understand the dynamics of resistance movements, the role of Jewish elites as guarantors of imperial stability and the functioning of “Roman peace” as a peace sustained by preventive force and social control.
Miguel Carpio García also from the Spanish group:
Made a brilliant observation about the first set of martyrs, those gathered by Jesus who may have been slaughtered were forgotten about. It is only the later generations of followers who were executed in the name of Jesus that are remembered.
Dave, the whole of your work solves some of the most complicated difficulties that can be presented about the historical Jesus from an exegetic and social history point of view. To try to move forward, I propose two items that, in my opinion, are pending. Namely: 1) on the ‘collective’ crucifixion, is there any possibility that two of his supporters who, crucified with him, were ignored and vilified later by his movement were arrested in the brawl of the ‘arrest of Jesus’? Man, Fernando Bermejo Rubio holds it, although in the 2023 edition of his book that I have (I have almost everything that is published about historical Jesus), he limits himself to affirming an ‘objective connection’, namely, or that they were ‘disciples of Jesus’, or that they were ‘sympathizers’ or that they were from ‘a different dissident group’ (that they coordinated their action with that of Jesus or that they simply coincided in time?), page. 156. Conceivable, but very very unlikely. Well, I don’t know any historical social movement, do you know any? That despised its martyrs (how else to qualify those who are crucified for defending the master? No how wrong they were). Calling them, Mark and Matthew, lestés, bandit, not revolutionary concept that did not exist, but gang thief. Or kakourgos-criminal, Luke, thief or murderer. Another thing is that the Jewish aristocracy and, therefore, the temple authorities will apply those terms to those close to a caudillo or popular leader. But their own supporters? It doesn’t make sense. Much more plausible is that, to the hegemonic of the empire, the work was accumulated, in the flammable climate of the Passover of Jerusalem, with various crimes of alleged sedition or attack that, at all, require several simultaneous riots. 2) It is clear where Theudas gets the division of the waters of the Jordan or the Egyptian that the walls would fall or that the feet of YHWH would sit on the olive mountain, etc. But where is Jesus from that the fallen temple would be rebuilt in 3 days by non-human hands? By the way, the other signs, nothing supernatural, that Jesus represented at the entrance to Jerusalem (Zechariah 9:9) or in the expulsion of the merchants from the temple (Zechariah 14:21) and led his own to wait, more than the fall of the temple, for the arrival of the God on the mountain of olive trees (Zechariah 14:4). I repeat the question, the sign of the reconstruction of the temple demolished in 3 days (which I am certain that Jesus presented), what great biblical event or prophecy recreates?
Some of my own thoughts:
It took me 7 years consisting 1000’s of books just to get a basic history. The next quest guys are right- you will only get an outline such as basic things like he was a Jew (without knowing what type of Jew he was).
You also find out that he gathered a crowd, thought with Gods help he was going to start a new age. He was able to gather a crowd easily by making use of and re-enacting scriptural events. Many tried this and were easily squashed. Like so many others like him he was ratted out by the collaborators and was strung up as a warning for others not to threaten Roman security.
[2] Paul Winter, On The Trial of Jesus, (De Gruyter 1974), p. 40.
[3] T. C. Schmidt, Josephus and Jesus, pp.6-7.
[4] David Allen, Jesus Realpolitik, JHC 20.2, forthcoming.
[5] see section “3. Spies, Informers, Horsemen and Cavalry!” Of my paper Jesus realpolitik, JHC, forthcoming.
[7] Henry Leeming and Kate Leeming (eds.), The Slavonic Version of Josephus’s Jewish War, A Synoptic Comparison of the English Translation by H. St. J. Thackeray, with the Critical Edition by N. A. Meščerskij of the Slavonic Version in the Vilna Manuscript translated into English by Henry Leeming and L. Osinkina, Arbeiten Zur Geschichte Des Antiken Judentums und des antigen Judentums und des Urchistentums 46, Boston: Brill 2003, p.261.
[8] Leeming and Leeming (eds.), The Slavonic Version of Josephus’s Jewish War, p.248.
[10] Paula Fredrikson, Jesus of Nazareth, King of the Jews, (Knopf Doubleday, 1999), p.244
[11] Fernando Bermejo-Rubio, “(Why) Was Jesus the Galilean Crucified Alone? Solving a False Conundrum”, JSNT 36.2, pp.127–54.
[13] Solomon Zeitlin, “The Christ Passage in Josephus”, Jewish Quarterly Review 18, (1928), p.236.
[15] Paul Anderson, The Fourth Gospel and the Quest for Jesus, Modern Foundations Reconsidered, (t & t Clark, 2nd edition 2007), p.160.